Starting in 1991 and still active today is an alternative rock band that named themselves Rage Against the Machine. That is not surprising since their musical messages consistently promote rage against the machine. For them, the machine is defined broadly as businesses and corporations.
kIn the most recent strike by the International Longshoremen’s Association (ILA), their public messaging strategy included rage against the machine. ILA defined the machine much more narrowly as the United States Maritime Alliance (USMX), an industry trade association whose members are container cargo ship carriers, marine terminal operators, and ports.
Among other member services, USMX does labor contract negotiations with ILA leaders on a range of matters including wages and the use of artificial intelligence powered robots.
To generate support for their negotiations with USMX on those two issues, the ILA leadership launched a rage against the machine messaging and negotiating strategy.
ILA’s leaders regularly issued profanity laced messages directed at container cargo ship carriers saying they are unappreciative of dock workers role in their success and are indifferent to the concerns of dock workers future in an ever changing world.
The ILA leadership also vowed their strike would continue until all their demands on wage increases and the future use of automation on the docks were met.
Despite that rage against the machine my way or the highway messaging, there were immediate and widespread concerns that a strike would cause enormous harm to America’s economy, including more inflation and possibly an economic recession.
Even some ILA members in Baltimore expressed concern about a strike. They had just endured not working for two months after the Francis Scott Key Bridge collapse and closure of the Port of Baltimore.
Three days after the strike began the ILA president abruptly reversed course on his previous rage against the machine messaging and agreed to suspend the strike until January 15, 2025.
He acknowledged a tentative agreement with UMSX on wage increases, which were only slightly more than originally proffered by USMX, and a return to negotiate other outstanding issues.
The outstanding issue is a ban on artificial intelligence-powered robotic automation on the docks.
After pausing the strike, ILA’s leader issued the following statement: “The ILA is steadfastly against any form of automation — full or semi — that replaces jobs or historical work functions.” He also said in his statement that the preservation of historical work functions is “non-negotiable.” Job security for members and resisting modern technology have been ILA priorities for decades. In 1977, the last time Baltimore dockworkers went on strike, they strongly opposed the introduction of another modern technology — large metal standardized shipping containers.
Despite their 1977 strike, ILA lost the battle against the use of containers. Containers are now standard operating procedure. Somewhat ironically, last year the Port of Baltimore set new records on handling multi modal containers using ILA workers.
When a railroad tunnel expansion project is completed (scheduled for 2027), Baltimore will be well-positioned to send even more containers by rail into the Ohio Valley and on to Chicago.
On the yet to be negotiated issue of a ban or limits on artificial intelligence-powered robotic automation on the docks, I predict the future will be a repeat of the 1977 outcome. More automation is imminent and inevitable for three reasons.
First, robots are more efficient and dependable for repetitive and routine jobs. Second, there are decreasing numbers of individuals willing to work on the docks. Even with technological changes on the docks, dockworker jobs can still be dangerous, tedious, and dirty. Third, the unions stance that “the preservation of historical work functions is non-negotiable” is a message that will not stand. Everything in life is negotiable. In a recent Baltimore Sun article, Will Brucher, a port labor expert at the Rutgers School of Management and Labor Relations, said “Protections are already in place. To keep labor relations smooth, the employers conceded that this was something that was negotiable. It’s possible they [ILA] could put a stop on new automation, but what historically has happened is they have job protections around it.”
For a view of the future of technology in supply chain management, look no further than two massive Amazon warehouse fulfillment centers at Sparrows Point. They were built on the site of the former Bethlehem Steel plant, not far from where Baltimore dockworkers were striking and picketing. At one time, this plant was the largest steel plant in the world and was one of the largest employers in the Baltimore region. Unable to compete efficiently it is now gone.
Today, at Sparrows Point, in indoor climate-controlled Amazon warehouses, robots are helping humans meet the order fulfillment demands of Amazon customers.
Going forward, key lessons on messaging management should be embraced by ILA leaders, other labor unions, and comparable organizations.
Raging against the machine has not been and will not be an effective messaging strategy in generating public support for your organization’s goals, whatever they may be.
Raging against the machine will likely diminish your value to and support from your constituents, whoever they may be.
David Reel is a public affairs and public relations consultant in Easton.
Al DiCenso says
I predict that the automation issue will be settled by the obvious means: attrition and buy outs. They realize that automation is a fact of life, just as those in other industries have accepted it, albeit grudgingly.
Mickey Terrone says
Mr. Reel, if we talk about “rage messaging”, you may have forgotten to consider the rage Republicans have targeted upon immigrants, unions, abortion rights, and of course, the obsenely false rage against the “rigged” election of 2020. Trump and Vance are rage machines in themselves, stoking fear in the minds of deluded white working class voters through utterly baseless allegations. So far, I haven’t seen one paragraph from you that even hints at Trump’s horrendous crimes against our American democratic republic. The terrible lies about the Biden/Harris response to Hurrican Helene reflects the of worst irresponsible fear messaging.
Even as Trump and Vance attempt to sweep Project 2025 under the rug, its extremism requires average Americans to know what Trump will attempt to perpetrate.
Acccording to The Guardian, Project 2025’s labor section proposes hardly anything to improve workers’ wages and working conditions. It is, however, chock full of recommendations that would boost corporate profits, undercut labor unions and advance the right wing culture war.
Project 2025 contains several recommendations that would, when taken together, cut the pay of millions of workers, especially by making overtime pay available to fewer workers, even though many Americans rely on overtime pay to make ends meet. This so-called “Presidential Transition Project” shows outright hostility toward government employee unions – whether police unions, firefighters’ unions or teachers’ unions – saying that Congress should consider abolishing all public sector unions. Project 2025 would further undermine unions by recommending a ban on the use of card check, one of labor’s most effective tools to organize workers. Once a union gets a majority of employees at a workplace to sign pro-union cards, unions often point to this majority support to persuade employers to grant union recognition and bargain.
Project 2025 was undertaken by the Heritage Foundation and was written by numerous Trump allies, many of whom served in his administration and many of whom are likely to serve under him again if he wins in November, Trump has distanced himself from the project’s hard-right proposals, arguing, contradictorily, that he knows nothing about the project while adding that he disagrees with some of its proposals. Political analysts predict that if Trump is elected, his administration will pursue many of Project 2025’s policies.
Worker advocates have vigorously condemned Project 2025. Stuart Appelbaum, president of the Retail, Wholesale and Department Store Union, said: “For 900 pages, Trump’s Project 2025 playbook dives into excruciating detail on how a Trump-Vance administration will roll back workers’ rights, curbing the right to organize, eliminating overtime pay laws, gutting health and safety protections and protections against child labor.”
The 37-page labor chapter contains recommendation after recommendation designed to make corporations and rightwing ideologues happy. With many employers complaining that today’s low jobless rate makes it hard to find enough workers, Project 2025 recommends making it easier for 16- and 17-year-olds to work in dangerous jobs – jobs that federal law currently makes off-limits to workers under the age of 18.
“Some young adults show an interest in inherently dangerous jobs. Current rules forbid many young people … from working in such jobs. This results in worker shortages in dangerous fields and often discourages otherwise interested young workers from trying the more dangerous job,” Project 2025 says.
The project says the Department of Labor should amend its regulations to let teenagers “work in more dangerous occupations”, for instance, metal-stamping plants with heavy machinery. Project 2025’s authors seem far more concerned about assuring that more teens work in dangerous jobs than about protecting against the perils those jobs pose for young workers.
Led by the rightwing Heritage Foundation, the project showcases a federal government that cracks down intensely on immigration, vanquishes LGBTQ+ and abortion rights, diminishes environmental protections, overhauls financial policy and takes aggressive action against China.
The entire Trump Republican campaign is based fully upon lies, fear and hatred. It has become disturbingly clear to me you have fully bought into that degenerate movement by once again trying to redirect focus, this time, to unions.
William Keppen says
Having been a union officer in the railroad industry, I am very familiar with such issues. Having not walked in our shoes, you may not understand. If we, union officers, do not rage agains technology replacing our members jobs, and trying to do something about it, we will no longer represent those members. Negotiating with these huge shipping/railroad companies always start with rediculous demands on the part o. f labor and rediculous offers on the part of management. In the end, when the money is there, labor will get what it needs, not what it wants. If the money is not there, labor will not get what it wants, maybe not even what it needs, but good leaders will get a ratification vote, based on is ability to convince his members that s/he got all s/he could get. I’ll wait.
Michael Pullen says
To disparage workers and their families with an easy label, “rage against the machine” is unfortunate. Plain economics over the last 50 years shows that corporate profits, driven by shareholder returns and management salaries, have increased 800% while workers wages have remained stagnant. Yes, stagnant.
Housing, health care, child care, education costs have not remained stagnant, so workers have suffered the consequences. Blaming workers and pinning labels on them is part of the problem.
Give them fair wages for the increased productivity they generate. Give them profit sharing, pensions, health care, opportunities to better themselves and their children. It’s not merely fair, it’s sustainable and good for everyone.
Paul Rybon says
Mr Pullen doesn’t acknowledge is that management has all the cards. Without profit, management cannot exist and will either move or go out of business, voting with their feet so to speak. Years ago, on the West coast, major wood processors under constant pressure for more edges and conditions, took their marbles and left.But labor doesn’t care. My cousin’s are still saying, “Wait until they (management) come back, This time we will get what we want.” Some politicians never learn either. Higher taxes and tough restrictions will drive manufacturers overseas. It’s not until domestic manufacturing ceased to exist, that consumers and planners realized what we lost. But labor never learns.